August 30, Race, Class, and Socialist Strategy Marxists have long understood that the workplace is the primary strategic site of class struggleand that class struggle is essential for cohering a radicalized working-class majority with the capacity and will to overthrow capitalism in favor of socialism.
South from roughly the s to But these aspirations for social advancement, or uplift, came under assault by powerful whites seeking to regain control over African American labor. With the withdrawal of federal troops from the south insouthern white authorities banded together with impoverished whites under the banner of white supremacy, and instituted a new system of racial subordination.
Commonly known as Jim Crow, this system enforced by law and custom the absolute separation of blacks and whites in the workplace, schools, and virtually all phases of public life in the South. The institution of Jim Crow state and local laws throughout the South gained the sanction of the federal government with the landmark Supreme Court decision in Plessy v.
Jim Crow segregation confined the majority of African Americans to a state of economic peonage as agricultural workers, making wage-earning jobs of the New South industrial order a whites-only economic preserve. Between andblacks were eliminated from the political arena as southern states amended their constitutions to deny blacks the voting rights that had been guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment Disfranchisement was enacted and enforced with the widespread use of violence, including lynching, to terrorize blacks from exercising political activism.
Advocates of African American civil and political rights fought a lonely struggle with few allies in a national climate of virulent anti-black racism.
White southern politicians and elite opinion leaders defended white supremacy and proclaimed the moral, mental and physical depravity and inferiority of blacks from the press, pulpit, and university. The consensus was that blacks were unfit for citizenship, and that plantation slavery, or the neo-slavery of menial labor and sharecropping, was the natural state of black people.
Guided by southern apologists for lynching the execution of persons without benefit of trial by mobsmany whites, regardless of income or education, viewed the aspirations of black men and women through the warped lens of crude racial and sexual stereotypes that accused all blacks of criminality and immorality.
Given the prevalence of such damning representations of blacksAfrican American leaders and public spokespersons, a growing, but small percentage of the entire African American population, were under constant pressure to defend the image and honor of black men and women.
Black leaders in the North were much freer to engage in political protest and condemn racial oppression in stronger terms than those leaders based in the South, where political outspokenness could result in lynching or permanent exile.
The issue of what sort of education was best suited for blacks was a lightning rod of contention. Some leaders, based in the South, favored industrial educationwhich emphasized manual training for agricultural and skilled jobs.
Other black leaders supported higher education for African Americansto ensure the development of a leadership and professional class. Despite these political differences, black leaders generally countered anti-black stereotypes by emphasizing class differences among blacks, and their essential role as race leaders.
Against pervasive claims of black immorality and pathology, educated blacks waged a battle over the representation of their people, a strategy with ambiguous implications and results.
In other words, this method of opposing racism tacitly echoed dominant ideas of class and gender hierarchy. Their view that social progress for blacks was ideally measured in patriarchal terms of male-headed families and homes produced tensions between educated men and women.
Such expectations of female deference to male authority and leadership were challenged by many educated black women, such as Anna Julia Cooper and the anti-lynching activist and journalist, Ida B. This version of racial uplift ideology as an anti-racist argument employed by educated blacks is best understood as a complex, varied and sometimes flawed response to a situation in which the range Uplift ideology undermined collective social advancement.
Many black spokespersons sought to resolve this tension between individual and group status by insisting that individual achievements benefited the entire race. However, many African American men and women interpreted the rhetoric of uplift as a call to public service.
They enacted ideals of self-help and service to the group in building educational, reformist social gospel churchescivic and fraternal organizationssettlement houses, newspapers, trade unions, and other public institutions whose constructive social impact exceeded the ideological limitations of uplift.
The mass migration of thousands of African Americans from the South to northern cities during World War I provided new conditions and opportunities for social and political progress. The war had closed off immigration to the U. Those immigrants had formed the backbone of the industrial working class in the U.The The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain Community Note includes chapter-by-chapter summary and analysis, character list, theme list, historical context, author biography and quizzes written by community members like you.
Race, class and social strategy on MR Online | Marxists have long understood that the workplace is the primary strategic site of class struggle Marxists have long understood that the workplace is the primary strategic site of class struggle, and that class struggle is essential for cohering a radicalized working-class majority with the.
America has the Negro problem in her own home.” In , many Internet Research Agency social media accounts used the same strategy, amplifying reputable U.S. news sources through retweets and shares. In fact, the top seven news sources shared by IRA-accounts included The Washington Post.
Violence as a strategy for social change in America is nonexistent. All the sound and fury seems but the posturing of cowards whose bold talk produces no action and signifies nothing.
I am convinced that for practical as well as moral reasons, nonviolence offers the only road to freedom for my people. The black social gospel had a distinct integrity, and many of its leaders had significant dealings with white social gospelers and Progressives. Some black social gospel leaders became public figures by bridging both worlds, providing rare evidence that such a thing was possible in Jim Crow America.
report of a social study made under the direction of atlanta university; together with the proceedings of the fourth conference for the study of the negro problems, held at atlanta university, may , edited by w. e. burchardt dubois, ph. d.. cormpouding becretary of tl~c conference.